The developed political line of the unified People’s revolution has infused a serious discourse in the entire communist movement. It has not only attracted philosopher and leader of the bygone era, but also compelled them to think either positively or negatively, but not to ignore and remain indifferent with the contemporary development.

Somehow, as it is in its infant stage, the description of the outline apparently seems to resemble with an ancient story of an elephant described by many blind men. It is primarily because of its initial phase of evolution, it is yet to develop or evolve with time, however a point is: it has shown its potentiality to address the anomaly of the contemporary world. The recent phase of the communist movement and specifically the hopelessness and despair that surfaced on the revolutionaries due to the splitting of the party and sectorial groupism based on client-patron dynamics demanded a serious analysis to ensure the life and future of the movement itself. To a great extent, the theories and political line of the Integrated People’s Revolution has been able to analyze the situation objectively, and has framed an innovative course of action. This has infused hope into the mind and heart of the revolutionaries. Nepalese revolution, currently sustaining the counter-revolution, must elevate to a new dimension to complete ‘undone’ section of the course. With this vision in mind, a Revolutionary Maoist Unification Movement is in the process to integrate the revolutionaries. It has to start from a fresh beginning, which makes it apparently a continuation of the splitting, division or disintegration of the party, but this initiative has made the cadres and the party more specific and consolidated from within. A subtle view convinces that it is more goals oriented from the political point of view. It has emerged as the mainstream of the Maoist movement representing both political and ideological goals. Two prominent question of the public sphere needs to be answered with solutions promptly: first, it must address the questions of the cadres regarding the division of the party into various segments. Second, it must address the ideologues and political actors or stakeholders in respect of the functioning of the course. We must answer the both questions clearly: the question and curiosity. It is an extensive discourse; therefore, it may take time to be consolidated. Additionally, it is a scientific experiment than an artistic endeavor. For that very reason, it needs to be experimented and justify its claim. Revolution is not possible with the traditional way Specific analysis of specific matter is the major theme of Marxism. Revolutions happen in different ways according to the time when it happens, country where it happens, and the context of the revolution. It is not possible that revolutions happen in similar model in the about 250 countries of the world. It depends on the situation and characteristics of the concerned society. Essentially, the revolution in Nepal will also be based on the situation and characteristic of Nepali society. Nepali leaders till date always referred to the Chinese or Russian model of revolution while talking about Nepali revolution. The people’s war in Nepal was highly influenced by the Chinese model of revolution and the cadres were also coached accordingly. When the revolution began to face some drawbacks, only then the leaders started to think and think and say that we need to adopt new style for revolution in Nepal. In the name of ‘new style’ some leaders polluted the Nepali revolution. Reformism in Nepal is visible in different forms but they are same in essence. This reformism has always ended the Nepali revolution in compromise and surrender. The leaders, in the name of unique use of Marxism, abandoned the essential factors of Marxism; class struggle, armed struggle, dictatorship of proletarian and use of force. On the other hand some are practicing dogmatic Marxism and do not like to move even a single inch from there. If someone wants to do some new experiment, they start to defame those in the name of ideologies and principles but they do not turn a single stone by themselves. This tendency of keeping the existence of party, which looks more like a study group, is also visible as a form of reformism. Both these thoughts and tendencies are obstacles for revolution. In the long run, both are forms of reformism. The efforts in the past, although they are now being derailed and transforming into negative model, were also examples of some new ideas and experiments in Nepal. Either in positive or negative form, there have been some new and unique experiments in Nepal. The results of these experiments are facing us today as the negative result but have been lesson to true communists to develop right strategy towards right direction. These have been essential negative lessons for communists to study and be alert in the future. For example, in the past, leaders in Nepal dreamt of communist state within constitutional monarchy. Some dreamt of abolishing Panchayati monarchy working with the Nepali Congress. CPN (UML) dreamt of peaceful revolution through reformist parliamentarian system by intruding the reactionary state and promulgated the theory of “people’s multi-party democracy”. Mohan Bikram Singh raised the slogan of government of patriots and democratic forces but did not turn a stone. Prachand and Baburam talked about democratic republic and covering it with federal democratic republic. Mohan Baidhya (Kiran) is talking about adopting the successful models of revolution in Russia and China, utilize them one at a time and if that gets unsuccessful shift to the other. He is raising surficial slogan as “people’s revolt on foundation of people’s war, but the primary is people’s revolt”. All these are examples of experiments that are being done in search of new way of revolution. Among these those models which have failed or are rooted in wrong ground have been negative learning for future revolution. But all the communist leaders, wherever they may be affiliated, are saying the same thing “revolution cannot repeat itself or revolution is not possible in old ways”. This saying has become the face saving mask for many leaders. This phrase itself is not wrong. For those having good intention it is good but we should not forget that this phrase also contents reformism in it. That’s what gave birth to UML. The rigidness for not doing new things gave birth to Mohan Bikarm Singh. This has trapped the leaders in waywardness, brokering, surrender and incapability and hence put the revolution into turmoil and at the verge of defeat. We need to dig into it to get the answer why have the leaders reached so far? We need to have correct answer to it. The revolutionaries too need to find truth within it. After Prachanda, who we held as our leader during the 10 years of people’s war, ended the people’s war in the name of peace process, a new discourse has risen about the new strategy of new revolution. CPN-Maoist party that was formed under Mohan Baidhya ‘Kiran’ after defecting from Prachanda’s party, also used the same phrase that ‘revolution is not possible with old ways’ and set its strategy of “people’s revolt on foundation of people’s war, but the primary is people’s revolt”. He explained it as new strategy. Saying it as not a new but inefficient and confusing strategy we abandoned that party under the leadership of Com. Biplab on Mangsir 8 and adopted the line of “unified people’s revolution” by the first national convention held on 23-26 Push at Tulsipur, Dang. We have decided on this strategy after analyzing the new characteristics of Nepal. The only aim of this is to ratify the weaknesses of leaders in the past and start Nepali revolution in a new way. On the characteristics of Nepali Revolution The CPN Maoist has unanimously adopted “Unified People’s Revolution” as the strategy of Nepali revolution by its first national convention. The strategy has synthesized 6 aspects as its basis including the analysis that the situation of Nepal is different from that of Russia and China and since the 10 years of people’s war, the two decades have seen different kind of political development, combined with the geography, caste, class and modern class analysis. Its first characteristic is the geopolitical situation of Nepal having two big neighbors with different political characteristics, is smaller in size than Russia or China and landlocked country. The second is the analysis of caste and community composition (is in about 50/50 percent) i.e. Nepal is a country of minorities (since no community is in majority there is no alternative to the united revolution of all the Nepali people and there is no possibility of regime of one caste or community). Third is under the new class analysis and the rise of middle class, the role of this class is also important, hence they should also be made the force for revolution. Fourth, due to development in transportation, communication, education and awareness, the gap between urban and rural area has diminished and we, therefore, cannot divide the people in terms of urban or rural population. Fifth, state, politics, state power, economy all are controlled by the broker capitalists and this has deep impact on the base and superstructure on Nepali society and state, their sole control over the State and control of 10% capitalists on 80% of Nepali economy to make the country a neo colony through control on every field. The sixth and last characteristic is that despite of all these, there is sense of nationalism in most of the Nepali population baring some of the top notch officials in security, bureaucracy, broker capitalists, feudal and neo feudal class, and anti-national forces. All these characteristics of Nepali society clearly demand a new model of revolution. Unified People’s Revolution is the ideology that can guide this revolution. This new finding was not possible by the old leaders. They have a tendency of not moving ahead from the thinking around the Fourth Congress and used to analyze the new situation through traditional eyes. Hence it was not possible that they could lead the new model of revolution. Looking at these CPN Maoist has come in the fore as a revolutionary force representing the mainstream, main ideology and political line of the then CPN (Maoist) with new situation, new thoughts, new leadership and new strategy and to make a new Nepal by completing the unfinished revolution. Within it the caste angle, unity and struggle and social harmony are the major factors that have been historically overlooked by the communists in Nepal is one of the most important aspects. This is an important characteristic of “Unified People’s Revolution”. Case relation and harmony in Nepal Cast based inhabitation in Nepal Before the unification of Nepal during Prithvi Narayan Shah, Nepal had over 50 small princely states. Before that Nepal had many tribal states. Although they had not developed into the state of modern state, they were divided into specific boundaries of specific community. Sense of nationalism was developing in those tribal states. During that period the expansion of Jumla state in the west and in the east, the Arya feudal rulers, who had fled to protect themselves from Muslim attack there, started to control those undeveloped tribal states of the indigenous nationalities and developed into small princely states. Until then, only the Bagmati valley was called ‘Nepal’. The Tamang community inhabited the land until across the Sukoshi River in the east of this valley. Further east, from Tamakoshi River to the hills of Darjeeling and Sikkim, the Kirat (Rai and Limbu) population had their land. Similarly, the area east of Trishuli River until Karnali River, between the Chure hill and inner terai, was the major habitat of Magar community. The mountain and high hill area of Gandak region in the west was populated by Gurungs, Tharus inhabited the plain region of Terai. Similarly, in river banks fisher community, Majhi, potters Kumal, inhabited while in Kathmandu valley and other business centers, Newar community were present. In the high mountain region Sherpas were in the east, Bhote Lama community in the west and other small groups lived in the middle area. In the Terai area around Sutlaj plains, there was existence of Bhojpura, Mithila and Awadh states. Prithivi Naran Shaha, through his feudal unification and capture of Kathmandu valley, expanded the border of Nepal  from Tista in the east to Kangada in the west and till the Ganga River. After the war with British India and the Segauli treaty thereafter, Nepal’s border confined within its current boundary. Banke, Bardiya,Kailai and Kanchanpur were gifted to Nepal after the then Prime Minister Junga Bahadur Rana helped the British India in suppressing the revolt in Lucknow area of India. As such the border of Nepal was decided between Mechi river in the East to Mahakali rivier in the west and until the Dus Gaja in the Terai plain. The people residing within this geography became Nepali citizens and their identity for external purpose become Nepali while within the country there are multiple identities such as Magar, Tharu, Gurung, Rai, Limbu, etc. However, the feudal state was led by the kings for about 250 years. During this period the Khas rulers adopted the approach of suppressing the internal identity of those communities. As they were deprived from all the system, services and participation in the state mechanism now they are trying to find their identity and dignity. Secondly, these indigenous nationalities are also deprived from right to participation in all the parts of the state. Thirdly, as this high caste community has the overall control on the state mechanism, and the indigenous nationalities do not have access to policy making, there still is the existence of Khas Arya as rulers and indigenous nationalities as ruled groups in Nepal still making the discrimination. This has been facing us as caste based problem nowadays in Nepal. The feudal rulers who had fled India before the Mogul empire was established in India found shelter in the hill region of Nepal. Before they captured the regime of Nepal, they collaborated with the Khas Chhetri community, who had entered Nepal via Kumaon and Garhwal of India, in agriculture in the western part of Nepal. Hence, those Khas Chhetris, who had started to inhabit the regions populated by indigenous nationalities, also became the permanent citizens of Nepal. Besides, the rulers has brought with them some artisans, architects, entertainers, labors and others, who were eventually categorized as Dalit. These worker community engaged in different professions were discriminated by the state. Later during the regime of Jayasthiti Malla, the cast system was introduced and the society was divided in caste hierarchy like high cast, untouchables and Dalit.As the result of it we are still facing the most degrading human practice. The social evils and cultures set by the then have become the tools for suppressing the ordinary people in the hands of rulers. The current challenge for Nepali society and polity is how to bring fundamental change and make all the people of Nepal feel that they are equal despite of their race, color and caste. It is possible only with the change in political system. In the context of the backward looking political parties being obstacles in this change, there still is mutual struggle within the country. One of the main leaders of this struggle in Nepal Communist Party but the party is also divided time and again because of difference in ideology and strategy. At this point, the somewhat successful Maoist movement in the recent past is important. But this movement also could not establish a communist state and since the leadership handed over its army, arms and base area to the class enemies, the Maoist movement got disintegrated. Hence, in the later phase, as the Nepali revolution could not find a correct strategy and could not analyze the history clearly, the then CPN-Maoist also divided into two parties led by Com. Kiran and Com. Biplab. The six characteristics mentioned in the new synthesis of CPN Maoist are important and need deep study. Among this we have concluded that the caste equation and Nepal’s social and caste structure is also an important characteristic. There are some communities who have been living here permanently. These communities have been deprived by the state historically. These communities are now called as indigenous nationalities. These communities have inhabited the land since the beginning, while others have come here in different times and started to live here permanently. The second group is also Nepali citizens as they have lived here for long. There are some communities in Nepal who have controlled the state while on the other hand there are communities who do not even know what a state is. How to identify their suppression and how to establish their identity and what the community itself needs to do for it?It needs a deep study and analysis to establish who we should support and take support from for our own class and community freedom. There has been psychological struggle as well as harmony among the indigenous communities, which are living here since the beginning and those who later came here with the rulers. The indigenous community is always alienated from the state mechanism while the Brahmins and Chhetris have been ruling the country since long. Since the ruling class always suppressed and alienated the ruled class, there is a psyche of caste based hatred as well as discrimination and inferiority. These have been come in fore in shape of caste based problems. While going into the people’s war we had concluded that there are suppression based on class, caste, region, gender and community in Nepal and that elimanation of all these five types of discrimination is New People’s Democratic Revolution. Among these, what nobody is ready to accept is the caste dimension. How to solve this problem has become one of the important questions for communist party. The CPN Maoist has adopted it as one of the important characteristic and means for Nepali New People’s Democratic Revolution. It is true that the indigenous nationalities here are fearless and aggressive. These communities have been the most trustworthy in the past movements and matters of nationalism. There is no place for them to go outside the country even if they become rich. The process of migrating out of the country is becoming more complex in the recent past due to the discrimination by state. Hence, these indigenous nationalities arte the basic force for revolution both for democracy and nationality. They are dependable, trustworthy and full of courage. Since they have been deceived by the ruling class for generations they have some hatred, doubt, aggression against ruling class. But it is also true that they have also been accepting the rulers easily and have never done communal revolt. There is a need of system where indigenous nationalities, Arya community and Madhesi community can participate in the state mechanism equally and easily. Due on these differences we need to unite the two specific core castes, although at the surface there are many. We need a strategy to move along with indigenous and non-indigenous communities together at the state level so that these psychological differences can be solved for short and long term. This should be the strategy of Unified Democratic Revolution. This is not about blaming anyone, but correcting the mistakes of past and speed up the building of new society. This probably is what the communist movement could not understand and implement in the history of 65 years in Nepal. Two responsibilities of New People’s Democratic Revolution Many comrades are still suffering from the traditional mindset. Because of this, it is being misinterpreted through capitalist eyes. Some are describing it as alternative to People’s Democratic Revolution, some misinterpreting it into making coalition government with Congress and UML or some even are comparing it with the Peoples’ Multiparty Democracy of UML. But it is not true. The truth is that this synthesis stands on the positive and negative knowledge and learning from all of those. This is a new theory for the success of revolution in Nepal in a new way. The only aim of it is to complete the New People’s Democratic revolution in Nepal and make the country known to the world through socialist system. There are only two conditions to it – first is to free Nepal from the neo-colonial chain and second to ensure the rights of people of all casts, community, gender, class and region by eradicating all the inequality forced on them by the old regime. Conclusion At the last I would like to say just that CPN Maoist is not a fraction, it is unity. It is evident that the people see it as division, but Maoists are not divided. What the Maoist used to say earlier, it is still saying the same, moving ahead on the same path, and committed to fulfill dreams of the Martyrs. This is the mainstream of Maoists. All others are groups, which have deviated from it, have surrendered all the achievements of people’s war to the class enemies, and are trying to derail the mainstream by carrying the flag, ideology of the result of this derailment. The latest divide is moving ahead with the ideology because they did not want to move ahead in the way of revolution or were not ready for the revolution in some ways. Hence, this is not a divide but shouldering a historical responsibility. This is the most difficult and complex time in the history. This is also a risky period. It is also a question of who will be ready to face these risks. It is a question of who will be ready to cross the hot river. We are shouldering this responsibility. This is the result of need and compulsion. To move ahead facing these challenges is the demand of situation. Since the leaders were not ready to take the risk, this act is moving one step ahead. We need to understand it in this sense. This is solution of the conflict between policy and leader, the good and bad and honest and revolutionaryin the party. This is only a solution to the internal conflict of the passive, unskilled and short sighted leadership. Hence, there is no need to be anxious. Revolution is possible. But the only challenge is that of leadership, which is being solved now. Therefore, there is space to be hopeful about the revolution. We all should believe in the strategy and leadership, revolution is possible.

By Santosh Budha Magar ***